by Alfie Kohn
A substantial number of people believe that camps can do more than provide
an opportunity to have fun: they can also promote children’s social
and moral growth. This explains the growing interest among camp professionals
in the movement known as character education. In its broad sense, that
label refers to almost anything we might do to help kids become good
people. To appreciate the value of this mission, we don’t need
to rattle off statistics about drugs, violence, and teenage pregnancy.
Just watch how many children learn at a tender age not to be tender — or
who assume that being successful means looking out for Number One.
Needless to say, parents have the primary responsibility in the area
of values. But, historically, parents haven’t been asked, nor should
they be asked, to do it alone. Schools and camps, among other institutions,
have a role to play. Put it this way: If parents are raising kids to
be compassionate, responsible, ethical people, that makes our jobs a
lot easier. If parents are not raising their kids along those lines,
that makes our jobs a lot more important.
Of course, all camps teach values, whether or not they have adopted
a specific program to that end. The rules (and who makes them), the programs,
the culture, and climate — all send messages about what matters
even if they are sent unintentionally and received unconsciously. There
is no such thing as a value-free camp. To support character education
in the broad sense just means we will think about those values explicitly.
But the term character education is also used in a narrow sense, to
refer to a particular style of moral training, one that reflects particular
values as well as particular assumptions about the nature of children
and how people learn. It’s important to avoid confusing the two
meanings, because it’s entirely possible that some people who support
the general idea of character education may find themselves turning by
default to programs or organizations with a specific agenda — an
agenda that, upon reflection, they might very well find objectionable.
To avoid this trap, we need to look hard at particulars. What we don’t
need are clichés about the importance of good values, the sort
of vapid rhetoric calculated to please everyone. The question is not
whether we think kids should be helped to grow as human beings. Of course
we do. The question is what we intend to do about it, and — more
to the point — whether it’s possible that specific elements
of mainstream character education programs, or even certain aspects of
our camps, might be undermining our own long-term objectives for children.
Might there be a disconnect between our goals and our practices? If so,
we’d have to summon the courage to reconsider some deep-rooted
ways of doing things in order to live up to our own stated ideals.
Consider four key elements of an approach to character education that
you may believe are worth endorsing, but which, if taken seriously, might
raise unsettling questions about the status quo of the camp environment.
Assume the Best about Kids
Many of the leading theorists of character education take a rather
dim view of children — and of human nature. The author of one popular
book on the subject asserts that “most behavior problems are the
result of sheer ‘willfulness’ on the part of children” — a
statement of stunning cynicism. Another educator cited for his work in
character education sees human nature as “mean, nasty, brutish,
selfish, and capable of great cruelty and meanness. We have to hold a
mirror up to the students and say, ‘This is who you are. Stop it.’”
Happily, research from several disciplines converges to cast doubt
on this sour view of human beings, and on the view that children have
to be forcibly civilized, with virtues essentially shoved down their
throats. That doesn’t mean we’re left with a starry-eyed
romanticism. It does mean, as I once argued in a book called The Brighter
Side of Human Nature, that there’s good reason to believe that
it is as natural for children to help as to hurt. If much of what goes
by the name of character education grows out of a dark set of beliefs
about people — especially very short people — then we need
to evaluate these programs in light of their underlying assumptions.
Look at Structures, not Just Individual Character
A key tenet of the Character Counts! coalition is that “negative
social influences can and usually are overcome by the exercise of free
will and character.” This is presented as common sense, but it
is in my opinion conservative ideology.
In fact, almost all brands of character education implicitly assume
we need to “fix the kids”: the problem lies with individuals,
who need to be taught good values. In reality, though, much of how we
act and who we are reflect the situations in which we find ourselves.
Move calm, courteous people to Boston (where I live) and soon they will
be driving like maniacs. Indeed, a mountain of evidence from the field
of social psychology confirms the same principle. In one famous experiment,
for example, ordinary adults assigned to the roles of prisoners or guards
in a mock jail soon began to grow into their roles, becoming disturbingly
helpless or sadistic, respectively.
Another well-known experiment was conducted at an Oklahoma summer camp
many years ago (Sherif et al. 1961). Researchers took a group of normal
eleven- and twelve-year-old boys and divided them into two teams, the
Rattlers and the Eagles. They lived for three weeks in separate cabins
and were pitted against each other in competitive games, with prizes
for the winning team. The boys soon began taunting and insulting each
other, in some cases turning against good friends who were now on the
opposing team. They burned each other’s banners, planned raids,
threw food, and attacked each other after the games and at night.
The adults became alarmed and assumed that the best remedy would be
to set up athletic contests between this camp and another one, so that
the Rattlers and Eagles would have to join forces against a common enemy.
(This is a typical American response: competition proves destructive,
so the solution must be . . . more competition.) It didn’t work.
The only strategy that finally succeeded in reducing tensions was to
bring the two teams together not to face a common enemy but a common
problem: fixing things at camp that had broken.
The moral of this study is that the nastiness that developed in the
camp was not due to a defect of personality or character, but to the
structure of the camp experience in which they found themselves. Thus,
helping kids to be good people may require us to transform that structure
rather than trying to remake the children.
More specifically, this experiment speaks directly to one central feature
of camp: the extent to which it is experienced as a “caring community.” The
importance of that notion was affirmed in the “Principles of Effective
Character Education for Camps,” adopted by the National Camp Executives
Group in September 2002. However, it may be an example of an ideal affirmed
by everyone but not always fully supported in practice. Maybe there’s
room for more interdependent activities, where campers have to help one
another to succeed. Maybe boys and girls are kept apart more than necessary.
Maybe there’s room for more cross-age activities, in which older
kids have regular, structured opportunities to play with, guide, and
nurture younger kids.
And maybe we need to rethink the pervasive use of win/lose activities.
When I do workshops for educators, I sometimes ask them, rather perversely,
to figure out a way to eliminate a sense of community and to extinguish
any feeling of belongingness and safety. The most common response I hear
is that awards and competitive games would do the job nicely. After all,
the central message taught by all forms of competition can be summarized
in a sentence: “Other people are potential obstacles to my success.”
Small wonder that research consistently finds that setting kids against
one another in contests leads to less trust, less accurate communication,
less sensitivity, less likelihood of helping people in need, and less
capacity to imagine how things look from someone else’s point of
view. All of this is troubling to contemplate, particularly in a society
so in thrall to the ideology of winning, but the implications of these
data are unmistakable. The problem isn’t with individuals who need
to be taught sportsmanship. The problem is with activities that stipulate
that one child (or team) can succeed only if another fails.
Thus the critical question for camp staff: Is it possible that by supporting
the idea of a caring community but continuing to fill children’s
days with competition, you are inadvertently giving with one hand and
then taking away with the other? Even if you’re not willing to
join those camps that are entirely competition-free, are there ways by
which you might minimize the winning and losing, and maximize the caring
and fun?
Do we really need to create artificial scarcity by inventing awards
that only some kids can receive? Could your camp make more use of cooperative
games, which have everyone on the field playing together to achieve a
common goal? Kids get exercise and fresh air, develop physical and mental
skills, and discover real teamwork as opposed to the “us against
them” mentality of conventional sports. (Among the many books filled
with examples: Terry Orlick’s Cooperative Sports and Games Book.)
Kids Learn to Make Good Decisions by Making Decisions
One leading character education program asserts that we should list
desirable character traits and then “specifically and repeatedly” tell
children “what is expected of them.” Unfortunately, the best
available evidence suggests that telling rarely produces real learning.
People are not empty receptacles into which values can be instilled;
they are active meaning makers who must grapple with the rationale for
honesty and compassion and responsibility. Kids have to make sense of
the big questions for themselves, and with one another: Why should we
act this way rather than that? What if we disagree? What if two virtues
pull in opposite directions so that it’s hard to be, say, honest
and compassionate at the same time?
Real character education, the kind likely to have an enduring effect,
requires that kids hash out these issues — and, more generally,
that they have multiple opportunities to make decisions rather than just
following directions. That starts with individual choices. My second
year as a camper was a lot more fun than my first, mostly because the
camp director decided to stop making all the kids in each cabin travel
together to the same assigned activities. Instead, each camper could
choose what he or she wanted to do.
Beyond individual choice, social and moral learning come from having
children make decisions together — in cabin, unit, or even camp-wide
meetings. Here they learn to listen, compromise, weigh alternatives,
anticipate complications, and search for consensus. This is character
education — and democracy — at its finest, but it requires
that we adults be willing to give up some control. (Could that explain
why more camps don’t do this sort of thing?)
Campers can play a more direct role in planning evening activities
and parent visiting day. They can decide together what would be a fair
way of assigning responsibilities for keeping the cabin clean, or even
how the bunks are arranged. They can (subject to legal and safety requirements)
create rules for waterfront safety rather than just being told what not
to do. They can figure out an equitable way to deal with care packages
full of treats that are received by some campers and not others. In each
case, it’s not the solution they hammer out that matters; it’s
the process of hammering it out.
Counselors don’t just sit back passively while this happens.
They have a tricky role to play: it takes a lot more skill to facilitate
democratic decision-making than to dictate. They may, for example, begin
a session by asking returning campers to think about what went wrong
during previous summers and how we can make things better this time.
They may propose a goal — for example, that no one should feel
excluded or ridiculed — and then ask how we can make that happen.
Just as counselors need to include campers in making decisions, so
camp directors need to include counselors in a similar process. A more
democratic arrangement not only creates a feeling of openness and boosts
morale among the staff, but also sets an example for counselors to replicate
in their own cabins. Indeed, directors may even consider this issue when
hiring: Does an applicant have the disposition and skills to help campers
fashion a democratic caring community, or is this someone who needs to
control kids?
"Character Education Should Strive to Develop
Intrinsic Motivation."
That sentence comes from the same “Principles of Effective Character
Education for Camps” mentioned earlier. It means that we should
stop focusing on kids’ behavior and consider their reasons and
motives for what they do. It means that we want them to do the right
things for the right reasons.
What we don’t want is for kids to do what we tell them in order
to avoid a punishment or get a reward. If the threat is severe enough,
or the bribe is tempting enough, we can usually produce temporary compliance.
But neither “consequences” nor “positive reinforcement” can
help campers develop a commitment to doing what’s right, an understanding
of why it’s right, or a desire to become the kind of person who
acts that way in the future. When we try to “catch kids being good” and
then give them the equivalent of a doggie biscuit for pleasing us, we
produce a situation captured by Tom Lehrer’s classic lampoon of
the Boy Scout’s motto: “Be prepared, and be careful not to
do/your good deed when there’s no one watching you.”
What the evidence suggests is this: The more we reward people for doing
something, the more likely they are to lose interest in whatever they
had to do to get the reward. Extrinsic motivation, in other words, is
not only different from intrinsic motivation but actually tends to erode
it. One series of studies showed that individuals who have been rewarded
for doing something caring or helpful become less likely to think of
themselves as caring or helpful people and more likely to attribute their
behavior to the reward (Batson et al. 1978; Smith et al. 1979).
Other research drives the point home: children who are frequently rewarded
or praised for caring, sharing, and helping are less likely than other
children to keep doing those things (Fabes et al. 1989; Grusec 1991).
They have learned that the point of being good is to get rewards. Once
again, the fault lies not with the kids but with our systems — in
this case, systems that basically treat children like pets to be trained.
Punishment is no better than rewards at helping children to become
decent people. Teresa Pitman, a writer and mother, recalls:
“It’s the first day of the summer camp where my daughter
Lisa works as a coun-selor, and she listens while the head counselor
sits all the kids down, lists the ‘forbidden’ behaviors,
and outlines the consequences that will follow when rules are broken.
Lisa tells me that after this introduction, one little boy says, almost
in tears, ‘I’ll never remember all those rules!’ Another
starts to punch the child sitting beside him, just seconds after being
warned about the consequences of such behavior. All the kids look restless,
anxious — and a lot less enthusiastic about being at camp.”
In addition to setting an unpleasant tone, the use of threats invites
kids to figure out how to avoid detection, or to weigh whether the forbidden
behavior is worth the penalty. It leads them to regard staff members
as cops to be avoided rather than as caring allies to whom they can turn.
It makes them focus on the “consequence” to themselves of
breaking a rule, rather than on how their actions affect others.
In short, rewards encourage kids to ask, “What do they want me
to do, and what do I get for doing it?” Punishments encourage kids
to ask, “What don’t they want me to do, and what happens
to me if I do it anyway?” But authentic character education encourages
very different questions: “What kind of person do I want to be?
What kind of camp experience do I want to have — and what can all
of us do together to create it?” Positive reinforcements and punitive
consequences (that is, bribes and threats) make it far less likely that
the latter questions will even be asked, let alone answered.
Public recognition of kids who jump through our hoops therefore reveals
itself as triply flawed. It’s an extrinsic motivator, which can
undermine intrinsic motivation. It sets kids up as rivals for artificially
scarce recognition, thereby creating resentment and threatening to erode
any sense of community. And it amounts to a patronizing pat on the head
from someone who has the power to determine unilaterally what constitutes
admirable conduct — a top-down approach that excludes kids from
wrestling with the important questions about virtue.
This strategy, and others like it, is generally devised by camp leaders
with the best of intentions. I share their commitment to character education
in the broad sense. But many specific practices employed to bring about
those worthy goals may need to be reexamined in light of research and
experience. The bad news is that some of what we’re doing in camps
may not really be helping kids to become decent people. The good news
is that we can do better.
| References |
| Batson, C. D. et al. (1978). Buying Kindness:
Effect of an Extrinsic Incentive for Helping on Perceived Altruism.
Personality and Social Psychology Bulletin, 4, 86-91. |
| Fabes, R. A.; Fultz, J.; Eisenberg, N.; May-Plumlee,
T.; and Christopher, F. S. (1989). Effects of Rewards on Children’s
Prosocial Motivation: A Socialization Study. Developmental Psychology,
25, 509-15. |
| Grusec, J. E. (1991). Socializing Concern for Others in the Home. Developmental
Psychology, 27, 338-42. |
| Sherif, M.; Harvey, O. J.; White, B. J.; Hood,
W. R.; and Sherif, C. W. (1961). Intergroup Conflict and Cooperation:
The Robbers’ Cave Experiment. Norman, OK: University Book Exchange. |
| Smith, C. L. et al. (1979). Children’s
Causal Attributions Regarding Help Giving. Child Development, 50,
203-10. |
Originally published in the 2003 September/October
issue of Camping Magazine.
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